| The
Philosophy of Copernicus and his Cosmogony -
Dr. Maristella Mameli - founding member
«
... Niklas Koppernigk was born in the
city of Torùn (Thorn) situated on the Vistola river, where his father,
a merchant, had reached a comfortable social position.
Together with Prussia and Warmja (Ermland), Torùn
had become a part of the Kingdom of Poland (1466), but was not yet annexed
to the Polish territories. In 1491 Koppernigk,
latinized his name to Copernicus and enrolled
himself in the Krakow Academy. Here two
schools of thought competed each other:
one, gathered the "naturales"
(cosmological physicists); the other, the "mathematicians"
(astronomers that computed the positions of the celestial objects and,
through the use of observations, controlled their positions).
The "naturales" followed the theories
of Aristotle and
were supporters of the homocentric spheres system. The
"mathematicians" were strict followers of Ptolemy’s Almagest and
of the system that computed eccentrics and epicycles. Even if diverse,
the two theories had some points in common: for both the Earth was the
centre of the Universe and both professed the idea that the celestial motion
was a circular uniform motion.
The homocentric spheres system did not justify
why planets appeared sometimes near and sometimes far away. The
system of eccentrics and of epicycles, trying to explain the observational
data in a way that could be accepted, had to develop precise hypotheses
that could make up for the faults implicit in the system; faults that,
otherwise, would have invalidated the system itself.
Albert Brudzewo (Brudzewski) started him to
astronomy, most probably through private
lessons, as from 1490 Brudzewo’s
public teachings were exclusively dedicated to lectures on Aristotle.
In 1482 Albert
wrote a commentary on Peurbach’s "Theoricae novae planetarum". This
work was printed in Milan in 1495. In it he gave proof of his mathematical
knowledge and of his flair to re-elaborate theories, reaching the same
conclusions as those that originate from Ptolemy’s models.
Lukasz Watzelrode, his maternal uncle, elected
Bishop of Warmja in 1489, convinced him to complete his studies in Italy.
In Bologna, where he signed into the "Natio Germanorum", he
studied Greek and Plato quite intensely.
Here he met the astronomer Domenico Maria
Novara (1454-1504) "more as a friend,
than just as a student", according to Rheticus. Novara was essentially
an observer. Copernicus, as a witness, was himself pressed to do the same.
The observation of Aldebaran (? Tauri)
convinced him a new system was necessary to finally explain the phenomena.
In 1497 Copernicus was named a canon at Frombork
(Frauenberg), but prolonged his stay in Italy. In 1500, the year of the
Jubilee, he was in Rome, where he probably gave lectures in mathematics.
On 28 July 1501 the Chapter gave him the permission to complete his studies
abroad.
He reached Padua, where he studied medicine with
Montagnana, G. Zerbi, Benedetti and Fracastoro. In
such a stronghold of the theoris of Aristotle, he became friendly with
Fracastoro, considered the founder of
the modern epidemiology (54) and the
point of contact between Aristotle and Plato.
In 1503, he obtained a doctorate in canon law
from the University of Ferrara. He then returned to Warmja, where he became
the secretary and the personal physician of his uncle, the Bishop. In his
official capacity, he assisted his uncle in all the important audiences
and assemblies of the Royal Prussian Estates. When his uncle died, he moved
back to Frauenberg once again, recovering his former position. He also
purchased a "tower" (turricola) on the north-western side of the walls
of the fortress, using it for astronomical observations.
He also became the Economic Administrator of the
Chapter of Warmja, residing at Olsztyn (Allenstein). He promoted important
initiatives trying to restore cultivation in abandoned lands; to allot
grounds to the peasants of Mazuria; to reform coinage by restricting the
minting of new coins and by regulating the relation of Prussian and Polish
coinage, standardizing it all over the country. His is the formulation
of the "Gresham’s law", according to which "bad" (debased) coinage drives
"good" (un-debased) coinage out of circulation. He
also was a highly appreciated physician and, during the epidemic of 1519,
he offered his services to the people.
When his territory became threatened, within the
limits of his political authority, he opposed the knights of the Teutonic
Order, appealing for aid to King Sigismund I and personally organizing
the defense of the town. During this time he also carried out observations
of eclipses or of planetary oppositions, so as to compute some orbits in
a more accurate way. Observations, however, were not assiduous, maybe because
the instruments, he had available, were rudimental and did not allow him
to make new discoveries.
It is not known how Copernicus developed his
theories, reported in his work "De revolutionibus". We
only know, he was pursuing a new theory, trying to overcome the conflict
on celestial objects that reigned among mathematicians. After considering
the systems of the epicycle, of the eccentric and of the anomalistic motions,
he stated that something essential had been omitted.
He found his starting point in Cicero, who
reported that Nicaetus (Icaetus) thought the Earth moved,
and in Plutarc
(really, Pseudo-Plutarc), who deemed this theory trustworthy, while others
considered it true already (55).
Taking start from the "Placida Philosophorum"
(56), describing the theories of Philolaus,
Heraclides and Hecphantus, he began to
worry about the Earth’s mobility.
On this subject, in
Book First he mentions, in a correct way, the description of Aetius,
who stated, that Philolaus conceived the
mobility of the Earth, of the Sun and
of the Moon as a revolving motion about
a central fire. Hence, he reported this
theory, according to which the Earth is a planet among others, revolving
about with a progressive motion made of multiple motions.
He was well acquainted with Aristotle and Aetius,
who both with great abundance of details spoke about this philosopher (Philolaus)
and maybe, also, of Simplicius and of Thomas Aquinus.
He was conscious he was disclosing a revolutionary
theory that would upset traditional beliefs.
This is why he often resumed the motivations of the ancient astronomers
against the Earth’s rotation.
Aristotle stated
the four elements could only have an ascending or descending linear motion,
while the circular motion was peculiar to the celestial objects.
Ptolemy, on the contrary, stated it was impossible a rotation could take
place within a period of twenty-four hours, as this would have caused the
total disaggregation of the terrestrial body (57).
Copernicus made his this theory
as, with the use of it, he succeeded "to save the phenomena", as per the
words and the will of the ancient people.
In "De caelo" (58),
Copernicus simplified Aristotle’s law concerning the linear motion of the
elements and attributing this motion only to what was outside its natural
location. He also abolished the diversity between celestial and terrestrial
physics, asserting that the Earth’s motion was equivalent to the motion
of the other planets, anticipating in such a way Newton’s future work.
"De rivolutionibus orbium celestium" (On the
Revolution of the Celestial Spheres) was the first treatise that could
really compete Ptolemy’s Almagest: formulating
new theories in place of the old ones and devising new tables of the planetary
motions.
The treatise was completed in 1532. Soon after,
Copernicus wrote,
a summary in the form of a manuscript (Commentariolus)
for some friends. The subject was also verbally lectured to Pope Clement
VII. In 1536, Nikolaus Schonberg, Archbishop of Capua, entreated him to
make his studies public, but Copernicus said he wished to maintain them
secret, following the Pythagoras’s tradition. For sure, he was not mistaking,
once, the unauthorized and unsigned preface, Osiander added to his work,
was read.
But his secret had a short life. Two years later
Georg Joachim Lauschen (1516-1576), called Rethicus, a lecturer at the
University of Wittenberg, called on him with the scope of becoming familiar
with his discoveries. Enthusiast for these new theories, Rethicus completed
a summary of them in 1540. This work named: "Narratio Prima" was printed
first in Danzig and, some time later, in Basel. In such a way the theories
of Copernicus started to circulate.
Publication of the complete works of Copernicus
should have been supervised by Rethicus, but suddenly, he became entrusted
with new commitments and was compelled to leave this task to a Lutheran
theologian, Osiander (Andreas Hosemann, 1498-1552)
who, against Copernicus’s will, added the preface mentioned above, in which
he explained that the task of an astronomer must not ascertain the truth
or the verisimilar, but must simply try to offer hypotheses that "allow
reliable computations able to exactly reproduce the observed motions".
It remains to be seen, how much the well-known
Lutheran theologian was trying to defend the work of Copernicus against
those who could be offended by his novel hypothesis, or how much he was
trying to save of the theories of Copernicus from the hostile Lutheran
ideas. Throwing discredit and minimizing the importance of the work of
Copernicus, he made safe the ideas of Luther, Zwingli and Melanchthon,
strong objectors of all that was against the Bible’s teachings.
The time, in which Copernicus lived,
was a period of great studies, seething with novelties. Important cultural
changes and numerous technical inventions developed contemporaneously,
starting the so called "scientific
revolution", the origin of modern science.
This period, that marks its start from Copernicus’s
epochal book "De revolutionibus", extends up to Isaac Newton’s works (59),
lasting 144 years, during which deep changes took place. The revolution
was, at first, mainly astronomical. Therefore, it is to the astral context,
we owe a change in the quality of the world’s vision and of man’s existence.
Once the Aristotelian - Thomist cosmology was
superseded, the Earth was no more the centre
of the Universe. The Sun now becomes the centre. Man’s image, that in the
Middle Ages was the image of God, the supreme image, the centre round which
everything revolved about and for which everything existed, is now emarginated.
A sort of limitation, of conscious frailty, presses
man to look at the Universe as to something infinite and endless, in the
very same way as it was conceived by Campanella,. The privileged and unrivalled
existence of man in the eyes of God becomes dubitable.
Humanism and Renaissance, by rediscovering the
" humanae litterae" and the classical world, crossed the borders and the
limits of knowledge through curiosity, finally not a sinful curiosity.
A curiosity that, in a stubbornly philological way, tried to approach:"veritas".
The Earth is now a planet, same as all other
planets. Religious and anthropological
questions will distress the western culture, that was already doubtful
about man’s dignity, after the geographical and ethnographical discoveries
carried out in the late 15th century.
The status of the learned man changed. From
that of a magician, an alchemist, a detainer of esoteric and secret knowledge
to that of a scientist, of an observer and of a divulger.
Knowledge was no more a matter restricted to few people, but became a popular
affair, open to everybody and verifiable. Knowledge became an extraordinary
democracy. Everybody enjoyed becoming part of it, even those outside academic
circles. Only later, the academic context regained its role and, once again,
granted an official character to man’s thought.
Neo-Platonism is certainly a philosophy that
supports the scientific revolution in a metaphysical way. Platonism,
magic and hermetism, are blended together in it (60).
The Italian cultural context which, at the time
of Copernicus, was strongly Platonic and Neo-Platonic, influenced his vision
of the world. Mathematics was the key that
made it possible to read the Universe.
Through it, man could finally seek the true and immutable features implicit
in the order and in the symmetry of things which God created with geometrical
precision and exactness. Copernicus gave birth to a novel Universe, following
the secretive knowledge of the Neo-Pythagorean doctrines, maybe functional
to a context into which Lutheranism certainly would have opposed a theory,
suggesting that Earth moved, a motion that dissented from the Bible’s teachings.
The Sun, as God, in accordance with a Neo-Platonic
Theory, inherited from a hermetic context , is correctly placed in the
centre of the Universe that moves around
it. The heliocentric model, suggested and anticipated, as said before,
by the ancient sages, is now capable to prove both the observations and
the assumptions, either of philosophical and of religious nature.
A tangible world with a geometrical structure,
mathematically speaking, is mainly simple, harmonic and, therefore, also
legible for the human mind. Man has the
capacity to understand. Mathematics allow him to understand. Optimistically,
trying to understand existence, man allows himself to change his exact
place in the Universe and to accept infinity as a possibility.
God becomes the centre of reality. Man
becomes an observer convinced to have
the knowledge of the divine construction. In
this new role he does not lose his dignity, as feared. On the contrary,
he ascends progressively to perfection.
For sure, both the Catholic Church and the Protestant
side, strongly contrasted these new ideas, but we are aware that Copernicus
had been encouraged, at the beginning, by the Bishop of Capua, Counselor
to Clement VII and Paul III.
Furthermore, summaries of the theories of Copernicus
(Commentariolus and Narratio Prima) had already been widely put into circulation
at the time his book "De Revolutionibus" was under print.
Maybe the author’s death avoided drags and
trials, but it is well known that his
theories, to which who followed made reference,
opened a new chapter in the history of
astronomy and science …
»
| 54 |
Gerolamo Fracastoro (1478-1553) of
noble birth, embodied the ideal man of the Renaissance. A physician, an
astronomer and a poet, he studied many diseases, among which the "morbus
Gallicus". In his poem "Syphylis sive morbus Gallicus", 1530, he was the
first to call this disease with the name of "syphilis" and to prescribe
for it a medicament, containing mercury and guaiacum. In "De contagione"
he describes three ways of how an infection may become contagious. In "De
sympathia et antipathia" he asserted that objects having a similar nature
attracted each other, while dissimilar ones rejected each other. Following
the vision and the theories of Empedocles, he asserted that the relations
among objects were governed by a flow of atoms, therefore, no action may
occur if no contact arises.
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| 55 |
"And I found out in Cicero that Nicaetus (Icaetus)
had the feeling that the Earth was moving. Then, again in Plutarch, once
more, I found out that others also had a similar opinion. Hereby, I wish
to transcribe his words, so as to make them known to everybody: "it is
a common opinion that Earth does not move; but Philolaus Pythagorian states
it revolves about a central fire in an oblique circle in the same way as
does the Sun and the Moon. Heraclides Ponticus and Hecphantus Phytagorian
stated the Earth had a motion. The motion is not of translation, but is
a rotational motion. The Earth is run through by an axis in the same way
as a wheel is inserted into an axis and revolves about its centre from
West to East."
N. Copernico, Opere, UTET, Torino 1979, p. 174.
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| 56 |
Placita philosophorum, III, 13.
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| 57 |
N. Copernicus, De Revolutionibus, I, 8.
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| 58 |
Aristotle, De caelo, I, 2, 268b-269a.
z |
| 59 |
Reference is made to Philosophiae Naturalis Principia
Mathematica, published in 1687.
z |
| 60 |
On the subject see: F.A. Yates, The Art of memory,
London 1966 and Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition, London 1964
and Testi umanistici sull’ermetismo by E. Garin., M. Brini, C. Vasoli,
P. Zimbelli, "Archivio di Filosofia", Roma 1955, and numerous studies carried
out by E. Garin.
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